World Situation Document for the Second PST Congress

1- Capitalism goes from one collapse to another

The capitalist-imperialist system has just experienced a collapse and is heading towards another. Between 2019 and 2023, capitalism suffered a collapse, a paralysis amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, and entered a recession. It overcame this collapse thanks to the largest bailout in history, a $30 trillion stimulus package (QE4) injected by the central banks of imperialist countries. However, QE4 unleashed global inflation and triggered several simultaneous crises: on the one hand, the development of stagflation (recession plus inflation); on the other hand, the crises of global corporations, the globalization regime, Japan, Germany, the EU, China, and cryptocurrencies.

The simultaneous development of these crises constitutes a true "perfect storm" that destroys millions of jobs, plunges billions into poverty, exacerbates global inequality, destroys nature, causes climate change, and sets the stage for future and greater crises with the collapse of corporations, banks, and countries, impacting the entire world and raising the prospect of a future collapse. The US-Iran war caused a rise in oil prices and intensified a crisis that has been ongoing for 26 years, since it began with the bursting of the dot-com bubble in 2000. At that time, imperialism attempted to reverse the crisis with the invasion of Iraq, but suffered a political and military defeat that triggered a cataclysmic peak, culminating in the massive bankruptcies of global corporations between 2008 and 2009.

From there began the bailouts and rescue operations, totaling over US$60 trillion, attempting to save the 1% oligarchy—the owners of corporations headquartered in the US, England, France, Germany, Switzerland, and Japan—which constitute global imperialism. These bailouts and rescue operations are a desperate measure seeking to counteract the collapse and prevent the end of the capitalist mode of production. But far from resolving the crisis, these bailouts exacerbate it by intensifying the overaccumulation of capital, which leads to highly dangerous speculative maneuvers known as "bubbles."

Capitalism can only be pulled out of the crisis by carrying out a colossal burning of capital and destruction of productive forces in a single blow over a limited number of years, as in World War II or the Vietnam War. The fact that imperialism survives through a lifeline of bailouts and rescues expresses the historical, epochal, and civilizational character of the crisis, which is considered one of the most significant in human history. A real way out of the crisis for imperialism requires a defeat of the workers and the people on a global scale, but this is impossible today due to the existence of a mass insurrection and revolutionary victories that limit any attempt by the ruling classes.

2- The world revolution against capitalism achieves resounding victories

The triumph of the Iraqi people's National Liberation Revolution opened a global revolutionary stage in 2009/10, combining the crisis of capitalism with a revolutionary mass upsurge. This global revolutionary situation has unfolded to this day through three global revolutionary waves: the first between 2010 and 2015, the second between 2016 and 2021, and the third, which we are currently experiencing from 2022 to the present, and which has witnessed remarkable revolutionary victories. These revolutionary victories include: 1) The victory of the Palestinian militias in Gaza: The battles fought by Palestinian militias and guerrillas defeated the Israeli army's (IDF) attempt to seize control of Gaza. On October 9, 2025, the Palestinian guerrillas retook control of Gaza after defeating a vastly superior army. This was made possible because the urban guerrilla warfare was supported by a massive, powerful, and deeply moving global mobilization, similar to those seen in Vietnam and Iraq. The state of Israel was left isolated worldwide, facing the stark evidence of its war crimes against a significant portion of the unarmed and vulnerable Palestinian civilian population. Thus, the Third Intifada dealt a historic blow to the Israeli occupation army and is plunging the Zionist behemoth into an unprecedented economic, political, and social crisis.

2) The Triumph of the American People in Minnesota: On February 5, 2026, 700 federal agents from ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) and CBP (Customs and Border Protection) were forced to withdraw from Minneapolis due to the defeat the people of Minnesota inflicted on the Trump administration's immigration policy. This defeat was the culmination of a month-long struggle involving protests, a general strike, and the murders of two activists. Following Trump's defeat in Minnesota and the collapse of his immigration policies, a wave of strikes has swept the nation, along with massive mobilizations by the "No Kings" movement. These actions have rendered Trump a political corpse, despised by vast segments of the population, whose electoral defeat in 2026 is considered a foregone conclusion.

3) The Collapse of the Capitalist Dictatorships of Venezuela and Cuba: In January 2026, dictator Nicolás Maduro was imprisoned, while the capitalist dictatorship of Venezuelan Chavismo reached an agreement with imperialism that left Delcy Rodríguez and Diosdado Cabello in power. Simultaneously, negotiations began between the Trump Administration and the capitalist dictatorship of Cuba. The agreements seek to chart a political solution for both Castro-Chavista dictatorships, cornered by the massive hatred of the population, mobilizations, and the economic and infrastructural collapse of these countries, which are capitalist, not "socialist." The agreements aim to prevent the violent fall of the dictatorships through revolutions, but the masses demand justice, wages, and the restoration of rights, which is why the agreements are fragile and cannot prevent the fall of these regimes. The collapse of Castro-Chavismo deepens the Latin American revolution and is part of the process of global political revolution.

4) Iran's Triumph Against US and Israeli Aggression: In April 2026, a ceasefire was declared between the US and Iran, and another between Lebanon and Israel, while negotiations began. The US-Israeli coalition attacked Iran with the complicity of the Arab bourgeoisies, but despite overwhelming military superiority, the imperialist coalition was unable to invade Iran. This was a result of the defeats suffered by imperialism, first in the Iraq War, then in the two Arab Spring uprisings, and later in the Third Intifada, which constitutes a revolutionary victory. This exacerbates the economic and political crisis of imperialism because the failure to gain control of the Strait of Hormuz caused a global rise in oil prices and led to a division within NATO.

5) The triumph of the Ukrainian militias against Putin's dictatorship: In a dramatic turn of events, between April and May 2026, Ukrainian troops began advancing into the territories occupied by Putin after four years of invasion. Putin's troops came within 20 kilometers of taking Kyiv, but despite overwhelming military, economic, and political superiority, they were defeated by the Ukrainian militias. The invasion was limited to the occupation of the Donbas region, which resulted in over 1,200,000 casualties, including dead and wounded—a heavy cost for the occupiers. This military failure plunged the regime of the capitalist oligarchs of the Russian Federation into a political, social, and economic crisis of historic proportions.

Imperialism and Trump have tried to force Ukraine's capitulation to Putin, but the grassroots Ukrainian National Liberation Army is acting with increasing independence from NATO arms supplies. This independence stems from a revolution in drone production, spearheaded by armed partisan detachments and thousands of Ukrainian families, which is revolutionizing modern military science. The revolutions of the 21st century are directed against capitalism because the root of all contradictions and hardships lies in the private ownership of the means of production, concentrated in the hands of large Wall Street corporations. Regardless of the level of popular consciousness, these revolutions strike at capitalist states, their governments, dictatorships, bourgeois democracy, and their institutions, preventing the ruling classes from overcoming their crisis and bankruptcy. The revolutionary triumphs of the third wave are, to date, the high points of the global revolutionary stage. You can learn about the first and second waves by clicking on the following link.

3- The crisis of imperialism and the "World Counter-Revolutionary Front" worsens

Because the revolutionary upsurge is relentlessly striking them, and because the crisis of capitalism shows no sign of resolution, imperialism and the global counter-revolutionary front are in complete crisis. Imperialist governments are attempting to push through piecemeal agreements, but there is no global agreement or "world order" today that would provide a strategy for the ruling classes. On the contrary, there is chaos and utter disorder in the world situation. This is causing a leadership crisis within the global counter-revolutionary front, disarray among its leading cadres, and a crisis of its institutions, which are constantly caught off guard by events. The crisis is relentlessly impacting all the major imperialist political parties, amidst a process of decomposition of global institutions: the crisis of the Trump administration, the crisis of NATO, the crisis of Israel, the crisis of imperialist institutions—the UN, the G20, the G7, etc.—are all unfolding. The crisis is an expression of the decadence of the ruling classes who lack prestigious bourgeois leaders, nor an authoritative voice with political authority; on the contrary, the bourgeois leaders are complete mediocrity, repudiated and rejected worldwide.

Within the global counter-revolutionary front is the Progressive International (PI), whose main slogans are "Peace" and "Democracy," defending the bourgeois democratic regime of the exploiters. The PI claims that "fascism or the right wing is coming," asserting that we are living in "reactionary" times and that the balance of power is unfavorable to the revolution, attempting to confuse activists. But this is entirely false, because for "reactionary" times to occur, there must be a defeat of the working class and the people, which is not the case because it is not happening. The PI revives the policy of the old "front for peace and democracy," which has been joined by 99% of the world's left-wing groups. The "fascism is coming" campaign seeks to justify the policy of class collaboration and support for "progressive" capitalist and imperialist governments or coalitions led by Bernie Sanders, Ocasio Cortez, Jeremy Corbyn, Pedro Sanchez, Olaf Sholtz, Podemos, Syriza, Melenchon, Lula, Ramaphosa, López Obrador, Petro, Boric, Maduro, etc.

The Progressive International (PI) incorporates into its ranks the remnants of the Second International and Stalinism, and the latter, in its disintegration, joins capitalist coalitions and governments or degenerates into brutal capitalist dictatorships, as is the case in Cuba, China, and North Korea. The Progressive International (PI) also integrates trade union bureaucracies, former guerrillas, and 99% of the so-called global "left." Faced with the revolutionary developments taking place in the world, the PI adopts a policy of trusting in bourgeois democracy to "vote for progressive coalitions" in electoral farces, or of "pacifism" when armed civil war erupts and peoples take up self-defense, as seen in the support for the UN-backed Sumud Global Flotilla for Palestine. We revolutionaries systematically denounce IP's lies and farces, its deceptions and tricks, to defeat its treacherous and perfidious policies, fighting to ensure that the people and valuable activists of the world do not fall under the siren song of its deceptions.

4- The crisis of the "Decoupling Theory"

The "Decoupling Theory" is sinking into an irremediable crisis. This theory posits that the US and China are headed for World War III, but reality shows that its postulates are false: The summit between Donald Trump and Xi Jinping on May 15, 2026, in Beijing demonstrated that there is no prospect of confrontation or war between US imperialism and the Chinese capitalist oligarchy. On the contrary, there is an agreement between them against the workers and peoples of the world, because the understandings between Trump and Xi imply an exploitative offensive against the masses of China and the entire world, to pull capitalism out of the crisis. The massive presence of the 20 largest Wall Street executives at the summit ratifies this global agreement between the US and China.

This demonstrates that the notion of "decoupling" from the end of US hegemony, leading to the rise of new imperialisms like China and Russia that are "decoupling" from US imperialist domination, is false. Reality shows that there is no "decoupling" of China and Russia from the US; on the contrary, they are seeking agreements to defend the common interests of the exploiters. The crisis of "decoupling" is a matter of paramount contemporary relevance because it is the Wall Street theory upheld by global imperialism, analysts, financiers, political scientists, the media, the Vatican, journalists, sociologists, political parties, and 99% of the global left. The collapse of this theory implies the collapse of them all.

But while the crisis of "Decoupling Theory" deepens, the alternative theory is gaining strength: the theory of "The American Revolution of the 21st Century" (AR2C), championed by the Marx International. There are two theories, and only two, vying to explain what is happening in the world: "Decoupling" and the AR2C. Our theory posits that what is happening in the world is the existence of a global revolution against capitalism that began in the United States when imperialism was defeated in Iraq, a revolutionary process that is spreading throughout the world as capitalism finds itself under the control of Wall Street and US corporations. According to this theory, the world is not heading "towards World War III," as "Decoupling Theory" claims, but rather we are in a world war between revolution and counter-revolution.

The dominance of US corporations is becoming increasingly categorical and brutal, which confirms the deepest laws of Marxism, such as the tendency toward the centralization and concentration of capital that gave rise to the 1% oligarchy. The theory of the 21st-century American revolution acts in defense of the Theory of Imperialism because "Decoupling" defines "Imperialism" as any minor oligarchy that has a strong military, multinational corporations, and oppresses other countries. By adopting this definition of "Imperialism," leftist groups break with Marxism. We reaffirm Lenin's definition of imperialism. For Lenin, imperialism consists of monopolies, that is, countries that dominate the world economy because their companies control branches of production—a definition that is relevant today with the dominance of global corporations and the 1% oligarchy that controls global capital flows. Neither China nor Russia has global corporations, which is why they are not imperialist countries, but rather sub-metropolises of imperialist capital. When speaking of a "multipolar" world, the leaders of left-wing groups confuse "sub-metropolises" like the BRICS with imperialism, and sow expectations in these minor oligarchies that demand their participation at the table of imperialism.

Furthermore, the notion of a "multipolar" world is divorced from reality, because the sub-metropolises, far from "contesting for global hegemony," are sinking into a brutal crisis alongside imperialism. The reality of 21st-century revolutions and the deepening crisis of capitalism confirm at every turn the maturation of the objective conditions for revolution outlined by Trotsky, namely: an intractable crisis for global corporations and the leaders of the global counter-revolution, coupled with an unprecedented global revolutionary upsurge. What exists between the US and China is a "holy alliance" in defense of capitalism, and the frictions and contradictions that arise between them are the logical product of class struggle, in no way a dispute over the dominance of capitalism. The "Holy Alliance" launches counter-offensives that fail in their attempt because they produce the opposite effect to what they expected: The revolutionary situation does not recede, but becomes more violent, explosive and spreads.

5- The world political revolution deepens

Despite all the deceptions of the Progressive International, a veritable global political tsunami is crashing down upon all the old parties and leaderships of the mass movement. The people and activists of the world are turning their backs on the old currents, parties, and leaderships because they no longer believe in them and reject them. Social democracy in all its variants, classical Stalinism and its Maoist, Castroist, Guevarist, etc., variants; bourgeois nationalist movements such as the PRI, Peronism, APRA, Nasserism, former guerrilla groups like Sandinismo, Farabundo Martí, etc.—all leaderships that were once attractive to millions worldwide are now sinking into a profound crisis resulting from the rejection and repudiation they suffer for their betrayals. We call this global "earthquake" of the people's rejection of all the old parties and leaderships a "political revolution."

This concept was first formulated by Leon Trotsky in 1936, when he argued that to recover the "revolution betrayed" by the Stalinists, a revolution was needed to overthrow the Stalinist leadership that had seized control of the Soviet Union. This same concept was later updated by Nahuel Moreno starting in 1958, when he formulated that political revolution is a revolution against Stalinism, but one that also includes all counter-revolutionary apparatuses and leaderships worldwide. The process of global political revolution results in a weakening of bourgeois-democratic regimes based on these parties and leaderships, in which the masses no longer believe. This provokes a veritable political "earthquake," plunging bourgeois-democratic regimes into crisis. Mass sectors abstain from voting and turn their backs on bourgeois elections, which is expressed in the "wave of abstention" sweeping the world.

People began to express their rejection of bourgeois democracy between the end of the second revolutionary wave and the beginning of the third, around 2021, when high percentages of the population either did not vote, cast invalid ballots, or submitted blank votes. These percentages increased in Venezuela, Italy, Brazil, Peru, Iraq, Chile, and other countries, as well as in the United States and Mexico, where abstention reached almost 50%. In some elections, such as the regional elections in France, abstention reached levels of 65.3%, historic highs since General Charles de Gaulle founded the Fifth Republic in 1958.

The collapse of political parties and organizations that led the mass movement for decades impacts bourgeois democracy because the bourgeois democratic regime rests on bourgeois and reformist political parties. If these pillars crumble, the entire political regime collapses. The fact that the world's masses have begun to turn their backs on the propaganda of the bourgeoisie and reformist organizations is an advance in consciousness that throws the bourgeois democratic regime into crisis and strikes at all the political organizations that defend it, especially the reformist organizations. This crisis of bourgeois democracy leads to the emergence of very weak capitalist governments, elected by a very small percentage of the population, which must govern amidst a brutal crisis of capitalism, causing a constant stream of crises and government collapses.

In turn, the bourgeois policy of "democratic reaction" is entering a crisis because, under the blows of the political revolution, bourgeois democracy has become a Pandora's box. Even under the iron grip of fraud and the anti-democratic bourgeois electoral mechanisms, it is possible for a "nobody" to win the elections, surpassing the traditional parties, as already happened with Beppe Grillo, Meloni, Milei, Bolsonaro, and others—figures or "outsiders" who were completely unknown two years before becoming president. In Spain, the election results triggered a political crisis, while in England, one of the countries with the most stable bourgeois democracies in history, there were three presidents in 2022 amidst a brutal economic crisis marked by strikes and workers' mobilizations.

Political revolution also destroys dictatorial regimes. The crisis of Castro-Chavismo liquidated the dictatorships of Cuba and Venezuela, the Ukrainian revolution struck a blow against Putin's sinister regime, and the Third Intifada was part of the Second Arab Spring, in which the masses confronted and broke with Islamic fundamentalism, as happened in Iran, where, amidst the war against the US, the masses rejected and repudiated the Ayatollah regime. There is also an enormous crisis in the Communist Party of China as the country's crisis deepens, as part of the crisis of capitalism. Thus, "Political Revolution" is the struggle for change in the leadership of the world's mass movements, a crucial process in the battle to resolve the crisis of revolutionary leadership. The fact that the peoples of the world began to turn their backs on bourgeois or reformist leaderships is an advance of consciousness that puts the regimes of capitalism in crisis, both bourgeois democratic and dictatorial, and strikes at all political organizations that defend capitalism.

6- A global process of Sovietization and self-determination of the masses

Revolutionary waves, as well as political revolution, trigger a process of self-determination and self-organization in the struggles and revolutions that spread throughout the world. The peoples of the world no longer wait for the call from leadership to take to the streets to fight against capitalist regimes and governments; on the contrary, they form new organizations and sometimes revolutionize old ones to impose the struggle for their demands. In turn, these emerging organizations, which promote self-organization and self-determination, lead peoples to develop self-defense and armament at different levels. Thus, these emerging organizations constitute a dual power; that is, they challenge the power of the institutions of the capitalist political regime and position themselves as an alternative power to the state, the armed forces, parliament, or the bourgeois justice system.

In the first revolutionary wave, the "plazas" emerged, where people gathered to vote on measures of struggle, such as Tahrir Square in Egypt, Puerta del Sol in Spain after the March 11 attacks, the Occupy movement that occupied hundreds of squares in the US, Independence Square, and the Maidan in Ukraine, which overthrew the Yanukovych dictatorship, to name a few examples. As the different revolutionary waves developed, the revolutions produced fractures and crises within the militaries. In Libya and Syria, the countries split, and their armed forces became embroiled in civil war between those who defended the dictatorship and those who supported the people.

Kurdish women took up arms and formed guerrilla groups to defeat ISIS; the Houthis built an army to confront the Saudi Arabian invasion. When capitalist governments launched repression against the people, "front lines" emerged—groups of young people who organized themselves with hoods, shields, and sticks to defend the right to protest, as in Chile, Colombia, Hong Kong, Ukraine, and the Black Lives Matter movement in the US, which elevated the alternative to the capitalist state to the status of a program, launching the slogan to "defund" the police. But when capitalist armies launched large-scale invasions or aggressions, deeper processes of mass armament emerged.

When Putin launched the invasion of Ukraine, and the imperialist countries abandoned the country, leaving it defenseless to facilitate Putin's aggression, the Ukrainian people took up arms, and millions became partisans who expelled the invaders from the main cities. They then developed a clandestine drone industry among thousands of families to counter Putin's bombing and complete the expulsion of the invaders from the occupied territories. On October 7, 2023, Palestinian militias defeated the Israeli army (IDF), and later, when the IDF invaded Gaza, they were expelled through a combination of urban guerrilla warfare and a massive global mobilization in support of Palestine.

We call these processes of self-organization and self-defense the process of "sovietization," in analogy with the soviets that emerged in the Russian Revolution beginning in 1905. The soviets were organs of dual power that, although always led by reformist leadership, challenged the power of the bourgeois regime and state from their inception. The revolutions and revolutionary wars of the 21st century are constantly developing these movements, which constitute a true process of global sovietization. In this process, parallel to the collapse of dictatorial and bourgeois-democratic regimes, organizations are developing that challenge the power of the bourgeoisie, and thousands of activists worldwide are being forged in this process. We Marxists support, encourage, and promote "sovietization"—that is, the development of these organs of self-determination and self-defense—regardless of the specific form these processes take in each circumstance.

7- The situation of activism and the global vanguard

The Sovietization process gave rise to thousands of activists worldwide who spearheaded revolutions. Democratic, trade union, feminist, LGBTQ, youth, Indigenous, and Black activism took to the streets to fight for their demands, challenging the ruling class and class society. But the political revolution brought about a fundamental shift in the position of activism and the global vanguard between the 20th and 21st centuries. In the 20th century, following the end of World War II, counter-revolutionary apparatuses emerged with great strength: Stalinism, social democracy, bourgeois nationalist movements, and so on. These organizations had millions of militants, leaders, activists, cadres, intellectuals, and trade unionists, and the best of the global vanguard was then found within them.

For most of the 20th century, the class struggle presented a highly contradictory reality: On the one hand, from an objective standpoint, there were great revolutions such as the defeat of the Nazis, the Yugoslav Revolution, the Chinese Revolution, the Korean War, and the Vietnamese Revolution. But on the other hand, there was a significant decline from a subjective standpoint, a decline in consciousness: The vast proletariat and the people placed their trust in treacherous leaderships. The French and Italian Communist Parties, and the Communist Parties around the world, were organizations with millions of members. Millions believed in Stalin, Mao, Khrushchev, Cárdenas, Gandhi, Perón, Nasser, and so on. This reality changed completely in the 21st century.

In the 21st century, the thousands of activists emerging across five continents belong neither to social democracy, nor to Stalinism, nor to bourgeois nationalist movements, nor to guerrilla movements, nor to anything else. They may have sympathies for some of these groups, but, with few exceptions, the vast majority of activists do not feel represented by any of them. As a result of the treacherous policies of the old guard and 99% of the global left, activism and the vanguard find these organizations unattractive, nor do they consider them a viable option for organizing. They remain independent and outside of all such organizations.

Since the 21st century is the century of political revolution, it is the century in which thousands of activists are developing outside the control of the old apparatuses, or even in opposition to them. Stalinism, social democracy, guerrilla movements, and bourgeois nationalists have become empty shells, deserted apparatuses. And the best activists who emerge are developing outside of these organizations. This necessitates a change in the orientation and politics of Trotskyists in the 21st century. During the 20th century, due to the strength of the counter-revolutionary apparatuses and the presence of thousands of activists within them, the Trotskyist movement engaged in intense debates about the best tactics for engaging with this activism and winning it over to Trotskyist positions. Hence, there was a constant debate among Trotskyist leaders during those years regarding all kinds of unity tactics: entryism, the united workers' front, the electoral front, unity of action, demands on the leadership, the anti-imperialist united front, etc., were the Trotskyists' preferred tactics in the 20th century. This was logical because, moreover, as a result of the counter-revolutionary policies of the leadership, leftist wings emerged within these organizations, forcing Trotskyist militants to intensely debate how best to connect with them in order to break away and attract them to Trotskyism.

Leon Trotsky had already formulated the tactic of entryism in the 1930s to exploit the opportunities of the class struggle by taking advantage of crises and the emergence of left wings within social democratic parties. But in the 21st century, things have changed completely. Much of the old activism and vanguard of the 20th century has fractured and no longer believes in revolution; it is a social sector that today is the rearguard and is in the leadership of leftist groups. Its counterrevolutionary course is irreversible, so we can no longer expect anything from this sector. This necessitates a change in the definition of priority tactics; for example, entryism can no longer be a privileged tactic. We should not discard it, but it cannot be a priority given that the party apparatuses are empty, or filled only with opportunists and functionaries, meaning that a Trotskyist militant has practically no one within these organizations with whom to engage in dialogue. Unitary tactics are valid for mobilization, but even in the struggle, tactics of self-organization, self-defense, and self-determination are becoming increasingly important, allowing new leaders to develop more quickly and confront and overcome the old leaderships.

When it comes to tactics for building revolutionary parties, other tactics are becoming increasingly important, such as differentiation, delimitation, and the systematic and ongoing denunciation of the capitulationist policies of the traitorous leaderships and the 99% of the global left. In other words, the weariness and disillusionment of global activism with the old leaderships and the 99% of the global left requires the emergence of a clear alternative pole in defense of Marxism and its principles. Applying these tactics allows a revolutionary tool to become visible, offering a viable option for global activism.

8- The regrouping of the revolutionaries

A grave crisis is gripping all left-wing organizations worldwide. The leaders of 99% of left-wing groups have adopted a policy of integrating into, supporting, or calling for votes for capitalist governments and coalitions, including imperialist governments. The application of this policy of "class collaboration" or "popular frontism" signifies a break with the Marxist principle of class independence, which exacerbates the crisis of the global left to unprecedented levels. But in the 21st century, there is a new development: not only Stalinist and social-democratic groups are pursuing the policy of class collaboration, but also groups originating from Trotskyism. Groups that claim to be Trotskyist are rapidly adopting the same course, integrating into capitalist coalitions, supporting their policies, or calling for votes for them. With this policy of class collaboration, the leaders of groups originating from Trotskyism are joining the betrayal being carried out by 99% of the global left. This betrayal is causing a serious process of regression, with these groups transforming into reformist and social-democratic organizations. Thus, what remained of global Trotskyism is disappearing. The disappearance of Trotskyism is programmatic, political, and organizational. The break with the Marxist principle of class independence leads to a break with all principles. Ninety-nine percent of left-wing groups no longer support revolutions around the world; they refuse to support the liberation revolution of the Ukrainian people, objectively placing themselves on the side of Putin's criminal invasion.

In Palestine, they refuse to support the military actions of the Palestinian militias, calling for "Peace," and instead support the Sumud Global Flotilla, collaborating with imperialism. In this way, these groups have broken with the theory of permanent revolution, its methods, and the Transitional program. As the crisis of counter-revolutionary apparatuses and leaderships accelerates, a product of the tsunami of political revolution, the self-identified Trotskyist groups that collaborate with the old leaderships are struck by the tsunami. The political revolution ends up turning against them, destroying and disintegrating them, as they become increasingly associated with the old leaderships. Activists worldwide, who once found tools for struggle in the left, now find a constellation of groups in crisis that support dictatorships, some of the most horrific regimes in the world, such as those of the Communist Parties of China, Cuba, and North Korea, which collaborate with capitalist governments and whose only concern is electoral intervention.

This reality has unleashed a process of global disillusionment among activists worldwide with the left, including the existence of valuable cadres who break away from these currents in search of Marxism and a truly revolutionary leadership. To counter this global disillusionment and the process of disintegration and dispersion suffered by all these groups, they make a constant call for "leftist unity," a call that grows stronger as elections approach. We categorically reject all these hypocritical calls for "unity" because they are a trap. They are not calls to support revolutions around the world, nor to fight for a workers' government, but rather calls to join their policy of supporting capitalist governments.

We reject this call, which is constantly made in forums, meetings, congresses, debates, and so on, that abound around the world, because it is not this kind of "unity" that we need, but rather the "unity" of revolutionaries. In turn, as a result of the global disintegration of groups stemming from Treotskyism, the leaders of these groups, powerless to halt the crisis, desperately cling to business to survive. They build cooperatives in an unstoppable process of NGO-ization and become increasingly dependent on the capitalist state, which has transformed them into mere social-democratic groups desperate for elected office. These are groups that have existed for decades and have failed. With their disintegration, the moral, political, and social decay of their leaders advances.

But while this failed global left disintegrates and decays, thousands of valuable and honest comrades continue to seek answers in Marxism. For these honest comrades from diverse traditions, the task of the International Regroupment of Revolutionaries is imperative. It is the number one task, strategic and vital for waging the battle to resolve the crisis of revolutionary leadership. We need to establish a strategy based on an analysis of the global crisis of Trotskyism, in order to fight for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International. For this strategic battle, our diagnosis is that the crisis of the Fourth International is extremely serious; it has disappeared. Therefore, to move toward the reconstruction of the Fourth International, a prior step is necessary: ​​the Regroupment of Revolutionaries.

We need a base of militant cadres, groups, and organizations to form a platform and starting point for the reorganization of a Socialist International, which is currently nonexistent. This step is fundamental on the strategic path of Reconstructing the Fourth International. These steps we must take are crucial. We respect the different traditions from which our comrades come, but we are not lying about it. There is only one consistent revolutionary tradition, that of Nahuel Moreno; the others have not stood the test of history. We uphold "orthodox Trotskyism," and those who approach our current, even if they agree with many aspects of our program, must know that Bolshevism and Trotskyism have a history, in which we were educated and formed. Nahuel Moreno's lesson is that without the struggle against revisionism, there is neither Marxism nor Trotskyism.

Therefore, without a struggle against revisionism and without denouncing the treacherous leadership, there are no conditions for advancing in resolving the crisis of revolutionary leadership. We do not come together to spread Marxist propaganda, nor to establish Marxist universities, even though we offer many courses. And we do not come together to be mere activists, even though we promote mobilizations. We do not want to propagandize Marxism, but to apply it. For this reason, the battle of the Regroupment of Revolutionaries is the present task, without forgetting for a minute that, while the most important task of all, it is a tactic. The Regroupment of Revolutionaries is a tactical step on the path of our strategy to rebuild the Fourth International, to build Bolshevik parties for the struggle for power and workers' government.

There are currents of thought that claim the Fourth International should not be rebuilt but rather "refounded," or that the Fifth International should be established, or something else entirely. All these proposals are mistaken. We reaffirm the strategy of rebuilding the Fourth International not out of mere whim, but out of scientific conviction. As Nahuel Moreno explains: "...the founding of our International was the greatest achievement of Trotsky and of our world movement... It responds to a single need... to firmly unite all revolutionary Marxists around a program that synthesizes everything learned by the world Marxist movement... To defend these conquests of Marxism, synthesized in Trotskyism and its program..." (Nahuel Moreno - Update of the Transitional Program - 1980)

We do not propose rebuilding the Fourth International solely for programmatic reasons; we do so also for organizational ones. Regrouping is a tactic for building Bolshevik parties worldwide—that is, organizations based on cadre structures with democratic centralism, publications, and organizational discipline. Without this type of party, it is impossible to seriously fight for power. No organization with this method exists in the world today, which is why we need to rebuild the Bolshevik strategy. Therefore, the tasks of the Regrouping of Revolutionaries are tactics in service of the strategy for rebuilding the Fourth International. All the guidelines we pursue are aimed at building this regrouping pole, of which this document is a resource.